CHARITY NAITORE GITUMAHIPSIR HUC 2020 110Understand the question Essay


HIPSIR/ HUC/ 2020/ 110

Understand the question this author is addressing

John J Mearsheimer’s argument in the article solely stands on international relations theories that employ institutions as a core concept. His conclusion is that institutions have minimal influence on state behavior, and thus hold little promise for promoting stability in the post-Cold War world. He further expounds on the theories on which the case for institutions is based are all flawed.

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In his argument he exposes that mutuality and complementarity of institutions is what creates stronger and well-articulated institutions where states must take due regard and obedience of rules they have created.

Cooperation in a realist world to this extent means that there indeed can be cooperation but that will be limited to factors like the relative gains consideration and concerns about cheating

With the initial discussion of realism being featured by Mearsheimer as a continuous security competition with imminent uncertainty and war always being a possibility. The assumptions realism have also been articulated as Anarchy, Inherently offensive military capability, Never certain about intentions, survival as highest interest of States and that states are rational of having constant peace.

The three patterns of behaviors that the author brings out seek to explain states behaviors and the potential force in world politics: Realists and Institutionalists particularly disagree about whether institutions markedly affect the prospects for international stability. Realists disagree to its while Institutionalists agree to it. Robert Axelrod and Robert. O. Keohane in their excerpt achieving cooperation under anarchy: strategies and institutions, start off by indicating that achieving cooperation is difficult in world politics and that there is no common government to enforce rules, and by the standards of domestic society, international institutions are weak. But they further indicate that choices of strategies and variations in institutions are particularly important, and the scope for the exercise of intelligence is considerable. This therefore shows that one can either argue on the importance of institutions towards cooperation and peace by stating that seen, International institutions may therefore be significant, since institutions embody, and affect, actors’ expectations whereas there is also a downside to having them onboard since they may be used by member states to further their own selfish gains and interests.

The three institutionalist theories being expounded as liberal institutionalism, collective security, and critical theory.

Liberal institutionalism does not directly address the question of whether institutions cause peace, but instead focuses on the less ambitious goal of explaining cooperation in cases where state interests are not fundamentally opposed. Specifically, the theory looks at cases where states are having difficulty cooperating because they have mixed interests; in other words, each side has incentives both to cooperate and not to cooperate. In that regard, this theory can be determined by the creation of regulations to follow but not argue against the fact that sates preserve their self-interest as a priority.

Collective Security tackles the issue of how to ensure that there is no war or lack of peace. This means that

The new and insightful interest in academic interest in institutions and how strong they are ensures continued peace with a webbing of multilateral norms when widely accepted bring about widespread order. This would mean that there is indeed a needed level of influence by institution as far as the conduct of the states are concerned. To the extent of International stability, institutions are needful for the

Mearsheimer’s argument of offensive realism, maintains that; States want to dominate the International system, at least to the point of becoming a regional hegemon. This is because, if they dominate, they will be secure from threats, as no other state will dare to challenge the hegemon. His school of thought adds to the fact that states still have considerable freedom of action, and their policy choices can succeed or fail in protecting American national interests and the interests of vulnerable people around the globe. He further adds that the three institutionalist theories which underpin it are flawed. There are serious problems with the causal logic of each theory, and little empirical evidence for any of them.

Modest assertions about institutions: does not ask whether institutions cause peace, but explores cases of cooperation when state interests are not fundamentally opposed; deals only with political economy, leaving the question of war and peace unanswered

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